Violence in Israel has become an end in itself - 26 septembre 2024
Haaretz:
Violence in Israel has become an end in itself

It's easy to blame Ben-Gvir for the increasing police brutality, but the phenomenon is bigger than him. Violence is no longer a means of imposing order or obedience to the law, it is a means of producing pleasure, joy and satisfaction.
Opportunity for violence

It is possible that the demonstrators did try to break into the community centre. The police may also have “tried to contain” the demonstration in Beit Shemesh, as a resident of the neighbourhood pointed out. But when you watch the 11-second clip, you can't see anything other than violence in its purely sadistic form.

At first glance, the Haredim appear to be sitting on the floor, passively. The next moment they are brutally attacked by cops. The demonstrators try to crawl away, but the police officers continue to beat them with all their might, mercilessly, kicking and hitting them with their truncheons. The demonstrators are slowly moving in the direction to which they are being removed, but the violence continues unabated. They are passed from one officer to another, the cop's leg is raised far back and kicks again, the arm is raised high up and lands powerfully on the legs, back, and ribs. Even when one of the victims manages to get up and walk away, the police chase him and continue to beat him. This is not maintaining order, but a violent outburst that brings pleasure to the attackers. Each blow is accompanied by a bout of pleasure and encourages the next. The violence continues even when the victims are bleeding, with no sign of stopping.

The police officers might pay the price for it. Perhaps with a reprimand, perhaps with a harsher penalty — after all, these were not Arabs, Leftists or supporters of a deal to get the abductees back, God forbid. Still, the cops will probably continue to serve in the force, as police officers are a scarce resource these days.

The obvious solution is to point to Itamar Ben-Gvir — the person who sowed havoc in the police force, turned its senior commanders into a band of opportunists devoid of integrity and loosened up any restrictions on violence. But that's just too simple. Ben-Gvir is a symptom of something bigger than himself. The question is: Even if the police know that nothing bad will happen to them if they are caught in such violence, why do they enjoy it so much?

We live in a situation in which the use of force has become a supreme value. True, Israel was founded and remains a state that arose out of the use of force, but the process has intensified and accelerated since October 7, when we experienced what sadistic violence feels like from the victim's side. The violence has spreads to all areas of life: from the treatment of Arab demonstrations in Haifa to that of the families of abductees, from settler violence in the West Bank to demonstrations against the prime minister. Even in the war in the north, the joy of harming innocent civilians emphasises the violence we treasure.

Violence comes in varying shapes and forms. It isn't only the bombings in Gaza and the use of water canon in demonstrations, but also in a verbal way, which seems less dangerous but sets up an infrastructure. Like this sentence by Itamar Fleischmann of The Patriots program on Channel 14, one of the dozens of quotes collected: “Victory will be here on one condition. On condition that the Jews exterminate the antisemitic rats who carried out these things… This time it ought to be a total annihilation. Don't be afraid of words like ‘humanitarian disaster'… Just exterminate them.” These are statements that any description of them that does not include the word “Nazi” treats them too, yet they go under the radar.

Violence in Israel has become an end in itself. It is no longer a means of imposing order or obedience to the law, it is a means of producing pleasure, joy and satisfaction. Therefore, it is expected to expand and deepen. And yes, it will probably reach you too: you too may be the ultra-Orthodox who sits on the floor and cops the sadistic blows. It's going to hurt.

By Noa Epstein

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Why does zionism exist? · - 26 septembre 2024
Medium daily digest


I have spoken to many Muslims these days. I know that there are many prejudices about these people, but by talking to them, with an open heart, I was able to discover that each of the preconceived ideas we have about these people are the purest and most crystal clear truth. In fact, their culture is very different from ours, so many things that are normal to us make them very angry.

One theme is common to all Muslims. They all hate Israel. It doesn't matter if they are left or right, moderate or fundamentalist. Do you want to be friends with an Arab? Be against Israel. Do you want to be enemies with a Muslim? You don't even have to defend Israel — who would be crazy enough to do that in front of a Muslim? Just ask them a few questions about politics or religion and they will simply end the conversation right away.

For us, religion or politics are trivial topics, but for the sectarian societies of that region, saying what you believe can literally kill you. It is no surprise that these societies produce people with beliefs that are barely different from ours and individuals who, to us, think so similarly that we cannot see their personalities.

Something interesting that makes them see themselves as sensible and even pragmatic is that they “love” Jews, who love Jewish music, and that being against Israel does not mean killing “all” Jews (although they are more than willing to kill as many Jews as necessary to destroy Israel). In other words, for them, the problem is not Judaism, which they claim to love, but rather the State of Israel, whose main function is to protect the Jewish people after the loss of a third of them in the Holocaust.

And for those who say that Israel is the main source of danger for Jews, just look at the massacres suffered by the Kurds or the mass rapes suffered by the Yazidis at the hands of the Arabs to get a basic idea that if Jews pay a high price in human lives for having a state, believe me, the price to pay for not having a state would be much higher.

That said, God teaches us to love our enemies and to recognize that even in those we think are different from us, there are still the same elements that we recognize in our identity. Knowing that Arabs and Jews are mortal enemies, and that the hatred of Arabs towards Jews is immeasurable, I asked many Arabs if they had ever spoken to Jews. Amazingly, all of those anti-Zionists said they had Jewish friends who also hated Israel, the “genocide in Gaza” and the “Nazi” State of Israel. They even said how wonderful, humane, sensitive these Jews were, blah blah blah.

So, in their view, there is a naive and simplistic division: Zionists are bad, anti-Zionist Jews are good. It is interesting how we have this urge to identify good intentions in those who are on our side and everything that is bad in those who are against us. To be vaccinated against this, you need to be very mature, a rare trait in those who live in the Middle East.

I once challenged a Muslim. I asked him if Zionists could be good, because I knew many Zionists, and most of them not only did not hate Arabs, but even the most right-wing ones said they dreamed of an Israel in which Arabs and Jews lived in peace and “equality.” Obviously, this was too much for him to accept. But my point was that just as there are good and bad Jews, there are also good and bad Zionists, and that peace would be possible if good Arabs and good Zionists joined hands for the sake of coexistence.

However, I know that left-wing Zionist Jews have never had a “peace partner” on the Arab side. Even when Ohmer was elected 20 years ago promising to dismantle all Jewish settlements in the West Bank in exchange for “peace,” he failed because on the Arab side, the only priority is not to build the Palestinian state that left-wing Jews naively believe will bring them more peace. The theological mission of Muslims — and this is what they express very clearly — is the total destruction of Israel in order to fulfill their scriptures.

Israel, covered by its pride and arrogance of Western society, believed that by unilaterally leaving Gaza, the Palestinians would have the responsibility of managing a populous region and this would make them more pragmatic and focused on coexistence. On the contrary, Hamas used the power granted by the Jews to set up a mini-”state” in Gaza that, instead of using its many resources to improve people's lives, used everything to build tunnels to kill Jews.

It is more than clear today that the narratives that Arabs have of the events are completely different from those of the Jews. For the Arabs, the Zionists are 100% evil, who kill children on purpose, for the simple pleasure of killing. And for these same people, when Hamas kills, kidnaps and rapes civilians, it is legitimate, because Israel is the invader, so any type of act in favor of liberation is justified.

By Vinicius Santos

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These are the things I've learnt you can't ask about Israel - 26 septembre 2024
Medium daily digest
These are the things I've learnt you can't ask about Israel
Many Jewish supporters of peace have argued that it is precisely because of our own long history of oppression and discrimination that we must stand with the Palestinian people and support their right to self-determination. I have come to the point where I think differently. It is not because of my own (Jewish) history that I have declared myself to be an ally of the struggle of Palestinian people, it is because as human beings injustice and inequality demand that we all care. ? The lesson of October 7 is that you cannot normalise and live peacefully in the context of a profound, ongoing injustice. Peace and justice will only come to the region when Palestinians are recognised as a people with the right to self-determination, sovereignty and their own state.
The Palestine Project

The Palestine Project
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10 min read
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5 days ago

By Louise Adler *

In recent years, I have been asked to comment on the Middle East “impasse”, though I am no foreign policy expert. I am merely one of many humanists who mourn this tragic history and rail against the failure of the international community to exert the great influence it has to bring peace and justice to innocent civilians in this area of the world.

Many Jewish supporters of peace have argued that it is precisely because of our own long history of oppression and discrimination that we must stand with the Palestinian people and support their right to self-determination. I have come to the point where I think differently. It is not because of my own history that I have declared myself to be an ally of the struggle of Palestinian people, it is because as human beings injustice and inequality demand that we all care.

Yes, my own family history has shaped my political views. If my mother and grandparents fleeing Berlin in 1938 had not been accepted here, they would have joined the 6 million murdered in the Holocaust. So, yes, I care deeply that asylum seekers should be met by our welcome embrace.

My father's father was less fortunate. He was deported to Beaune-la-Rolande in the first round-up of immigrant Jews in Paris in 1941 and then sent to Birkenau, where he was murdered. My father, at the age of 14, joined the Jewish section of the communist resistance in Paris. This group of partisans, ordinary young men and women with nothing but courage and commitment, determined it was vital to urge French Jews not to report to their local police station, to encourage them to go into hiding, and to provide rations and places to sleep for young children abruptly orphaned.

My father, with his mother's blessing, took a stand. In such moments, we all have choices, which is not to condemn those who focused on survival, sought ways to escape to Palestine, or took comfort in God's protection. But it is to acknowledge that there was heroism in daily life, despite the great risks. My father's exhortation “not to look away” was the lesson of his entire life after all that he'd witnessed and lost during World War II and then from the bombing of Hiroshima, the Vietnam War and all the horrors since. And so, all these years later, the question remains: Who will bear witness if we don't?

The lessons of my parents' early years inevitably shaped my understanding of the world. To continue in a personal mode: my teenage years were spent in a socialist Zionist youth movement. I suspect my parents, who weren't Zionists, simply appreciated two hours of peace and quiet on a Sunday afternoon without children. The movement's intention was that at the end of school, we would spend a year on a kibbutz. My parents, entirely focused on education, weren't having a year of picking oranges or plucking turkeys. So, it was agreed that I would spend Christmas in Israel and return to Australia for university. I arrived at the end of 1972. I imagined that I was landing in a socialist utopia. Instead, the reality of the Zionist project made itself explicit at the airport: European Jews stamped my passport, Middle Eastern Jews manned the luggage carousels while Palestinians swept the floors and cleaned the toilets. So much for the socialist dream.

It was the beginning of my own education regarding the entrenched racism underpinning the establishment of the State of Israel. As Saree Makdisi has pointed out in his recent book, Tolerance is a Wasteland: Palestine and the Culture of Denial, Israel has long been hailed as the only democracy in the Middle East, which belies the fundamental contradiction: a Jewish state is by definition exclusionary and therefore anti-democratic for everyone who is not Jewish.

My education would continue as a postgraduate student of Edward Said's in the late 1970s when he was being vilified as the “professor of terror”. In one conversation, he talked about the plight of the Palestinians as the victims of history's victims. I felt uncomfortable when he talked about “Jews” rather than Israelis or Zionists. I suggested that his terminology left no space for progressive Jews like me who were not Zionists. We moved on to other subjects, but I realised afterwards that my naive plea for nuance was irrelevant to his struggle. It wasn't Edward Said's task to acknowledge this small group of dissenting Jews.

Why should Palestinians (or anyone) respect a distinction between Jewishness and Zionism when the Israeli state is founded on — and its continued existence justified by — precisely this conflation? When the Star of David is emblazoned on the uniforms of the IDF soldiers who humiliate, torture and murder Palestinians? When, as an Australian Jew, I can settle on a kibbutz in southern Israel that was once home to the family of a Palestinian — now confined in Gaza mere kilometres away, who have to break through a barbed wire fence to “return” — simply because I am a Jew, and he is a Palestinian?

My education continued when Mohammed el-Kurd, the much-vilified young poet and activist, wrote an essay on the connection between Jews and Israel. He argued: “Here is where I stand. There is a Jew who lives — by force — in half of my home in Jerusalem, and he does so by ‘divine decree'. Many others reside — by force — in Palestinian houses, while their owners linger in refugee camps. It isn't my fault that they are Jewish. I have zero interest in memorising or apologising for centuries-old tropes created by Europeans, or in giving semantics more heft than they warrant, chiefly when millions of us confront real, tangible oppression, living behind cement walls, or under siege, or in exile, and living with woes too expansive to summarise. I'm tired of the impulse to pre-emptively distance myself from something of which I am not guilty and particularly tired of the assumption that I'm inherently bigoted. I'm tired of the pearl-clutching pretence that should such animosity exist, its existence would be inexplicable and rootless. Most of all, I'm tired of the false equivalence between semantic violence and systemic violence.”

My education has continued, as it should. There have been deeply unpleasant encounters with family, friends and frenemies. I am not sharing these stories to elicit sympathy but rather to reveal how deeply fractured and fraught the issue of Israel and the war on Gaza has become. I have been repeatedly berated for mentioning the Holocaust and failing to refer to October 7 in an interview with Laura Tingle on the ABC's 7.30.

I have discovered that it is impossible to ask, however hesitantly, whether anyone feels that the images from Gaza on our TV screens are reminiscent of the brutal and now iconic images from last century, of the photos of the Jews rounded up in the Warsaw ghetto. That is to break a taboo. To compare the conduct of the IDF in prosecuting the occupation to the Nazi regime's segregation, dispossession and persecution of the Jews in World War II is forbidden.

It seems, though, that I am not the only person who sees parallels. Masha Gessen, at the recent Festival of Dangerous Ideas, made the same point. Gessen rejected the notion that Gaza was an open-air prison and very precisely outlined the topographical parameters of a ghetto, be it in Warsaw or Gaza. The Kremlin critic, journalist and author had earlier been vilified and initially denied an important prize for making exactly this point. It seems that the Holocaust is an inviolable, sacred moment in history, forever beyond comparison. Which, for me, means that we can never learn the vital lessons we should draw from that catastrophe.

I have been told I am desecrating the memory of family who'd been murdered in World War II. As if many Jewish people of my generation in Australia have anyone much left by way of extended family. I have been asked how I felt on October 7 as if my empathy or indifference towards those Israelis murdered on that day was a sign of my loyalty, or lack of it, to Israel and, beyond that, testimony to my Jewishness. If it needs to be said, I watched in horror the coverage of that day and the days after. I had been sickened by the footage and frustrated by the mostly ill-informed and ahistorical reportage that followed.

I have been called a “kapo” (or collaborator), a “token Jew”, and received lurid messages: my parents would turn in their graves; I am a “denier of Judaism; the shame you wear is a suitable crucifix”; “shame on you and all you stand for”, and “there are those in the community who wish to do you harm”. I have been berated in Adelaide's Pioneer Women's Memorial Gardens by “disgusted” citizens. I have been glared at buying fruit. I have listened as a Ukrainian Jewish immigrant told me, “They” — the Palestinians — “are not like us”.

In this small corner of the world, there are 120,000 Jews. I have learnt that it is not acceptable to ask what is our relationship to the modern state of Israel. What is our response to the occupation of Palestine and the plight of the Palestinians?

And my response is to ask why empathy, an acknowledgement of our shared humanity, is such a risk?

A bright young lawyer tells me she's been excluded from her family's WhatsApp group for speaking out about the occupation. A 30-something academic has been attending pro-Palestine marches. For her entire life she has gone to Friday night family dinners, but she is refusing to do so now because discussing the war has become impossible. Her mother fears the family will split apart over the issue.

These are First World problems. Our individual or personal experiences are just that. It would be obscene to equate the pain engendered by the rifts tearing apart Jewish families in the diaspora to the suffering of Palestinian families literally torn apart by Israeli bulldozers and bombs. But it would be equally naive to imagine the two are not related. So the question remains — what is there about that place that engenders such passion and heat when we are so far removed from the region? What is this emotional attachment most Jews declare they feel for Israel? Why is Israel's existence, the idea of it as a safe haven, so entrenched in their hearts and minds? How does a kind of collective amnesia take hold of people who know in their bones about persecution? Because it must be some kind of tacit shared forgetting that enables Israel's zealous advocates in the diaspora to turn away from the reality of the occupation.

To state the obvious, centuries of persecution have left their mark. The Holocaust confirmed a collective psychic terror: the deeply ingrained fear that we can never be safe. However, the establishment of a Jewish state didn't arise as a response to the Holocaust; it was a nationalist project of the 19th century, and its advocates set aside the fact that a Jewish state would entail the denial of an indigenous population. Think of “terra nullius” transported to the Middle East. The Holocaust has been written into history as a post facto rationale for the establishment of the State of Israel. Rewriting that history is now prosecuted relentlessly to assert that the cure for antisemitism lies in the State of Israel.

But 75 years later, a succession of wars, countless dead, displaced and deracinated people, the ever-increasing oppression of Palestinians' lives, years of a reactionary government, and the moral, civil and political cost of denying the rights of another people have added up to what precisely?

It is incumbent upon us collectively to summon up the lessons of history as we contemplate the reality that successive wars in the Middle East have only produced a terrible loss of innocent lives, be they young people at a rave in Israel or 16,000 children now dead in Gaza, according to Palestinian officials. Shouldn't our profound pity for the children stay our hands, stop us reaching for weapons of destruction? We don't have to retrieve the scales of justice to measure man's inhumanity to man, and we should not indulge in the obscenity of comparisons to declare these victims are more important than those victims.

The tragic lesson Israel failed to learn yet again on October 7 is that peace cannot be premised on the subjugation of a people. Violence invariably returns. Indeed, every attempt to cover it up — be it with the increasingly fascistic policies of the Israeli government, the ever-increasing restrictive conditions of the occupation, or the hysteria of the Zionist lobby in the diaspora in response to the mildest expression of solidarity with Palestinians — only reveals the terrible and inevitable persistence of violence.

The lesson of October 7 is that you cannot normalise and live peacefully in the context of a profound, ongoing injustice. Peace and justice will only come to the region when Palestinians are recognised as a people with the right to self-determination, sovereignty and their own state.

By Louise Adler member the advisory committee of the Jewish Council of Australia.

Speech Adler delivered for UN Day of Peace,

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Benyamin Netanyahou surfe sur les contradictions des États-Unis pour semer le chaos - 26 septembre 2024
H

Benyamin Netanyahou surfe sur les contradictions des États-Unis pour semer le chaos

Alors qu'Israël bombarde le Liban et continue d'occuper les territoires palestiniens, les États-Unis soutiennent toujours leur allié au Proche-Orient.
La vidéo publiée sur les réseaux sociaux est lunaire. Benyamin Netanyahou s'adresse en anglais aux Libanais. « La guerre d'Israël n'est pas contre vous, mais contre le Hezbollah, qui vous utilise depuis trop longtemps comme boucliers humains », affirme-t-il, usant de la même rhétorique qu'à Gaza pour les mêmes résultats : les bombardements israéliens au Liban ont déjà tué, en à peine quelques jours, plus de 558 personnes, dont de nombreux civils et enfants.
Le premier ministre israélien étend sa guerre régionale, sans aucun frein de la part de Washington, ni de quiconque. Après bientôt un an de bombardements et plus de 41 000 morts dans l'enclave palestinienne, Joe Biden répète vouloir un cessez-le-feu à Gaza, sans pour autant retenir le bras d'Israël. Maintenant que ce dernier s'abat sur le Liban, alimentant les craintes américaines d'un conflit régional, le président sortant agira-t-il enfin ?

Vers un embrasement régional
L'ouverture de ce nouveau front est une autre bravade du gouvernement israélien envers l'allié états-unien, après plusieurs mois de fausses promesses de Benyamin Netanyahou à Joe Biden et son secrétaire d'État, Antony Blinken, quant à l'acceptation d'un cessez-le-feu dont on sait maintenant qu'il ne l'a jamais voulu.
Le premier ministre israélien veut raser Gaza, avancer toujours plus dans la colonisation de la Cisjordanie et poursuivre la guerre, « pour rester au pouvoir et hors des tribunaux », écrit David Sanger dans le New York Times. Mais Washington ne réagit pas, si ce n'est en envoyant toujours plus d'armes à Tel Aviv, espérant peut-être un affaiblissement de « l'axe iranien ».
« Nous restons déterminés à empêcher une guerre généralisée dans la région, a déclaré Joe Biden devant l'Assemblée générale des Nations unies ce mardi. Le Hezbollah, sans avoir été provoqué, s'est joint aux attaques du 7 octobre, et un an plus tard, trop de personnes restent déplacées des deux côtés de la frontière libano-israélienne. »
Le président états-unien a également évoqué la « menace croissante que représente l'Iran, qui ne doit jamais mettre la main sur l'arme nucléaire ». Alors même qu'il était encore à la tribune, Benyamin Netanyahou a annoncé que les frappes sur le Liban allaient continuer.
Dans les faits, l'armée américaine a annoncé qu'elle allait envoyer d'autres troupes dans la région, déjà garnie de quelque 40 000 soldats en Syrie, en Irak ou dans le golfe Persique. Une manœuvre effectuée « par excès de prudence », selon Patrick Ryder, attaché de presse du Pentagone. « Une incursion terrestre (au Liban) est possible », a quant à elle déclaré, sans sourciller, l'ancienne colonelle israélienne Miri Eisin à l'AFP.
Le trou noir créé par Israël aspirera-t-il Washington et Téhéran ? À New York, le président iranien, Massoud Pezeshkian, a temporisé. « Le chemin est encore long avant une éventuelle implication directe de l'Iran dans la guerre », a-t-il déclaré, en rappelant toutefois son soutien au Hezbollah, qui « ne peut pas s'opposer seul à un pays qui est défendu, soutenu et approvisionné par les pays occidentaux, les pays européens et les États-Unis ».

Axel Nodinot







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Vers une guerre totale et sans fin : personne n'arrête Israël - 25 septembre 2024
AFPS
Vers une guerre totale et sans fin : personne n'arrête Israël


Cela fera bientôt un an qu'Israël s'est lancé dans une entreprise de vengeance monstrueuse contre la population de Gaza, contre le peuple palestinien dans son ensemble, contre celles et ceux qui soutiennent le droit.

Depuis bientôt un an, l'armée d'occupation israélienne multiplie les massacres et les destructions aveugles dans la bande de Gaza. Elle a étendu ces assauts meurtriers a? la Cisjordanie, y compris Jérusalem-Est provoquant des dégâts considérables dans les camps de réfugié·es et certaines villes palestiniennes, accroissant la colonisation et le nettoyage ethnique. Près de 700 Palestinien·nes ont été assassiné·es par ses soldats ou les colons en une année.

Parmi les dernières exactions en Cisjordanie, l'assassinat de Aysenur Ezgi Eygi, citoyenne américaine, alors qu'elle participait à une mission de protection des populations civiles palestiniennes, et l'exécution froide de trois Palestiniens jetés ensuite du toit où ils se trouvaient et évacués par un bulldozer de cette armée totalement amorale qui ne respecte rien, pas plus les morts que les vivants.

Dans la nuit du 21 au 22 septembre, Israël a pénétré dans les locaux d'Al Jazeera à Ramallah pour en interdire la diffusion pendant 45 jours. Al Jazeera, la chaîne la plus regardée dans le monde arabe qui diffuse en direct depuis Gaza et dont Israël avait assassiné la journaliste américano-palestinienne Shireen Abu Akle en mai 2022.

C'était la réponse d'Israël au vote des Nations Unies du 18 septembre par lequel elles ont demandé à une écrasante majorité à Israël de mettre fin à son occupation illégale du territoire palestinien en demandant, entre autre, aux États de prendre des sanctions. Chaque fois qu'une institution de l'ONU dit le droit à Israël, celui-ci répond par des crimes toujours plus violents.

Israël poursuit ainsi son escalade de violence vers une guerre totale et sans fin.

Aujourd'hui, Benjamin Netanyahou a décidé d'accroitre la guerre sur le front nord en s'attaquant au Hezbollah libanais, allié des Palestiniens. Après avoir fomenté plusieurs exécutions de dirigeants du Hamas et du Hezbollah à Téhéran ou Beyrouth fin juillet, les services israéliens ont piégé des appareils de communication du Hezbollah occasionnant la mort d'au moins 32 personnes dont des enfants et la mutilation de 2800 autres utilisateurs de bipeurs et de talkies-walkies de l'organisation chiite dont une majorité de civils. Comment comprendre que ces assassinats de masse, des crimes de guerre, ne suscitent aucune condamnation, pire suscitent de l'admiration devant une telle prouesse technologique ?

Si les combats transfrontaliers entre le Liban et Israël ne datent pas d'aujourd'hui, ils ont été ravivés depuis le 8 octobre et ont provoqué plusieurs centaines de victimes libanaises. Depuis le 18 septembre, l'armée israélienne bombarde massivement le Liban et prépare activement une extension régionale de la guerre, mettant en alerte tous les États de la région. Ce lundi 23 septembre, le bilan en 24h est terrible : 492 Libanais·es ont été tué·s dont 36 enfants et 58 femmes alors que plus de 1645 autres ont été blessé·es.

Les États occidentaux, États-Unis en tête, enchaînent les déclarations de façade en faveur d'un cessez-le-feu à Gaza, disent leur crainte de voir la guerre s'étendre régionalement, appellent à la désescalade mais ne prennent aucune sanction pour imposer quoi que ce soit à Netanyahou. Au contraire, ils continuent d'assurer leur soutien politique et logistique à l'État d'Israël. C'est à eux qu'il appartient de stopper Netanyahou, d'empêcher l'embrasement de toute la région par cette guerre sans fin. Qu'attendent-ils ?

Bureau National de l'AFPS

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